The
crisis that started in 2007, threatened the global economy with the demise of
Lehman Brothers in the Autumn of 2008 and moved to Europe in the Spring of
2010, where it is still not surpassed, has shaken the trust of laymen and
economists alike in the ability of economics to predict and manage events. The
analogy with physics as a science and engineering as a technique has been found
wanting.
A consequence of this reconsideration has been the effort to complement the analytics of economics with the lessons of economic history. Confronted with the most serious crisis since the thirties, it was natural to go back exactly to that period. Attempts have been made, in particular, to understand better the European phase of the current crisis looking back at the reparations problem that poisoned the relationships between Germany, on one hand, and the winners of World War I, on the other hand, until Hitler came to power and relationships started to move in the belligerent direction that eventually led to World War II.
A consequence of this reconsideration has been the effort to complement the analytics of economics with the lessons of economic history. Confronted with the most serious crisis since the thirties, it was natural to go back exactly to that period. Attempts have been made, in particular, to understand better the European phase of the current crisis looking back at the reparations problem that poisoned the relationships between Germany, on one hand, and the winners of World War I, on the other hand, until Hitler came to power and relationships started to move in the belligerent direction that eventually led to World War II.
This post also refers back to the events of the thirties, and in particular to the
reparations that Germany was supposed to pay to the winners of World War I,
arguing that a mishandling of Target balances could have produced somewhat
similar catastrophic consequences.
To
make the point it is necessary to clarify the nature, size and consequences of
Target balances. These have been examined by many economists, from the alarmist
and politically tainted treatment of Sinn and Wollmershaeuser (2011), to the more
technical and objective treatment of Bindseil and König (2011 and 2012),
Bindseil and Winkler and Buiter and Rahbari (2012). Cour-Thimann (2013)
finally provides an encyclopaedic treatment of Target balances, covering all
their possible aspects from every possible perspective[1].
Without
rehearsing the analyses and the controversies in the papers mentioned above, it
is useful to retain here 5 conclusions:
1. Target balances are the necessary consequence of an asymmetric crisis in
a monetary union - when there was no crisis there were no significant Target
balances, if there was no monetary union there would not be Target balances.
2. Target balances measure the support that the Eurosystem provides to the
periphery. More specifically, Target balances are the reflection of the uneven
distribution of central bank liquidity throughout the euro-area, much more
abundant to banks in the periphery than in the core. In this way, the
Eurosystem fills the gap created by the withdrawal of private funding that
generates capital flows from the periphery to banks in the core. Central banks
thus offset the “sudden stop in private capital inflows” (Pisani-Ferry 2012)
that had financed over the years the current account deficits of the countries
in the periphery.
3. If the creditor central banks would insist, against the rules but
following the proposal of Sinn and
Wollmershaeuser 2011, ”that the Target balances are paid annually with
marketable assets”, given that debtor
central banks would not have, in aggregate, enough marketable assets[2],
the consequence would be a severe debt position for some states in the
periphery towards some other states in the core of the euro-area and debtors
would need very quickly huge current account surpluses (or implausibly large
private capital inflows) to repay their public international debt.
4. If a limit, explicit or implicit, was established on Target balances and
thus market participants would no longer be assured that, at any point in time,
the Eurosystem would make good the liabilities of all its members, inevitably
runs on central banks would follow, threatening the existence of the euro.
5. Target balances are large, correspondingly large is the problem they
would represent in case a swift settlement was required (see the following
Chart, drawn from Cour-Thimann 2013).
Source: P. Cour-Thimann, Target Balances And The Crisis, April 2013 |
The same author reports the target
balances at the end of 2012 as a per cent of national GDP as follows:
“In
relation to their home countries’ GDP, NCBs’ Target balances were particularly
large at the end of 2012 for Luxembourg (+243 percent of GDP), Ireland and
Greece (around -50 percent of GDP), Portugal and Cyprus (around -40 percent of
GDP), but also Finland (+36 percent of GDP), Spain (-32 percent of GDP),
Germany (+25 percent of GDP), the Netherlands (+20 percent), and Italy (+16
percent).”
The
figures for Ireland, Greece, Portugal, Cyprus and Spain were, at the end of
2012, of the same order of magnitude or higher, in per cent of GDP, than the
amounts of the reparations for Germany finalised at the Conference of Lausanne
in 1932 (about one third of German income at the time), even if much lower than
those that Germany was initially supposed to pay.
Fortunately, the idea that Target
balances should be “repaid” was not considered seriously in any policy circle
and, thanks to the lessening of tensions since the Summer of 2012, Target
balances have started to decrease and the trend has not even been broken by the
crisis in Cyprus in the Spring of 2013.
In conclusion, a possible
catastrophic event has been avoided; the inter-central banks capital flows
giving rise to Target balances have given time to countries in the periphery to
start correcting their imbalances[3] while
avoiding even graver recessions; the, implicit and explicit, conditionality
attached to the support that the core of the euro-area has given to its
periphery has dealt with the moral hazard problems that unconditional help
would have created; finally, significant institutional innovations are being
implemented in the fiscal and banking domains to remedy the design flaws of a
perfect monetary union with an insufficient economic union. The crisis, as
mentioned above, has not been surpassed and adjustment fatigue in the
periphery, the difficulties to finalize the necessary institutional
innovations, the poor macroeconomic conditions in the euro-area as a whole and,
in particular, the recession in the periphery could still bring a rekindling of
tensions. Recognizing the difficulties ahead should not, however, hide the fact
that the euro-area, with its awkward, reactive, “on the brink” (Bergsten and
Kirkegaard, 2012) approach is moving in the right direction with sufficient
speed.
References
F.
Bergsten and F. Kirkegaard (2012), The Coming Resolution of the European Crisis: An Update, Peterson
Institute Policy Brief, Number PB12-18.
U.
Bindseil and P.J. Koenig, (2011) The economics
of TARGET2 balances, SFB 649 Discussion Paper, 2011-035.
---
_--- (2012) ‘TARGET2 and the European
sovereign debt crisis, Kredit und Kapital, 45 (2), 135–174.
U.
Bindseil and Adalbert Winkler, Dual liquidity crises
under alternative monetary frameworks– a financial accounts perspective’, ECB
Working Paper Series No. 1478.
Willem
H. Buiter, E. Rahbari , Target2 Redux The simple
accountancy and slightly more complex economics of Bundesbank loss exposure
through the Eurosystem, November 1, 2012.
P.
Cour-Thimann, Target Balances And The Crisis In The Euro Area, Special
Issue of CES-IFO papers, April
2013,Volume 14.
J.
Pisani-Ferry, S. Merler, Sudden Stops In The Euro Area, Bruegel
Policy Contribution, March 2012.
H.
W. Sinn and T. Wollmershaeuser, (2011), Target Loans, Current Account Balances and Capital Flows:
The ECB’s Rescue Facility, NBER Working Paper 17626
(2011).
[1] The only regret is
that the ECB does not publish information on the split of monetary statistics
for the countries of the euro-area that the article widely uses.
[2] Cour-Thimann
reports, for example, that gold holdings and foreign currency reserves of the
Bank of Greece amount to 6 billion euro, while the Target negative balance of
that central bank is around 100 billion. The only assets a peripheral central bank
could transfer in sufficient amounts to a core central banks would be its
lending to local banks: would the Bundesbank really be interested in lending
directly to Greek banks?
[3] Current account
balances have moved or are forecasted to move towards balance in most of the
peripheral countries.
"4. If a limit, explicit or implicit, was established on Target balances and thus market participants would no longer be assured that, at any point in time, the Eurosystem would make good the liabilities of all its members, inevitably runs on central banks would follow, threatening the existence of the euro."
ReplyDeleteYes, I totally agree with this post, especially the point you make above. I wrote something here that addresses the bank run problem that will inevitably emerge should Target2 imbalances be capped.
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